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The undervaluing of Afro-Brazilians and their culture shifted in the early twentieth century as the scientific and artistic sectors of Brazil reevaluated the potential Afro-Brazilian contributions to the enterprise of nation building.

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Since the enslavement of Africans in the New World, dark skin and black culture have signified undesirability and inferiority. At present, Brazil’s black population is second only to that of Nigeria. This estimate excludes Africans who died on slave ships ( Faria 2002, 237). The largest slave colony and the last to abolish slavery in the New World (in 1888), Brazil imported over 5.6 million Africans from the sixteenth century to the middle of the nineteenth century. Improvisation Above All Else: Partido Alto as Method As Black Soul triggered debates on Brazilian racial and cultural politics, sambistas such as Candeia, Elton Medeiros, Clementina de Jesus, and Dona Ivone Lara, among others, regarded Black Soul as a threat to the primacy of samba music and culture. 7 The aversion to Pan-Africanism becomes especially apparent in the third section, where I explore Black Soul in the late 1970s and its reception in Rio’s samba community. Despite this, his awareness of foreign cultural domination in Brazilian society and his unease with (African) American politics made him unsympathetic with Pan-Africanism. 6 It has gone unrecognized for too long that Candeia was a samba preservationist and also a tropicalista, a defender of samba’s cultural roots, and a pioneer who procured those roots in black music sources as diverse as Brazil, the United States, the Caribbean, and West Africa. 5 The second section turns to police officer, leader and cofounder of Quilombo, and partideiro (practitioner of partido alto) Antônio Candeia Filho.

4 The exploration of partido alto was not simply a priority for many sambistas but also a means of survival, fueling the rupture with the Portela samba school and the creation of the Grêmio Recreativo de Arte Negra Escola de Samba Quilombo in 1975. It demonstrates, more concretely, how the need for creativity, improvisation, and freedom in making samba found its voice in partido alto.

3 This is unsettling for many reasons, not the least of which being that samba music and culture experienced unprecedented political obstacles in the 1970s that incited new questions, meditations, and praxes concerning its past, present, and future.ĭivided into three sections, this essay first analyzes the impacts of the modernization of samba culture and the military regime on the samba community in Rio de Janeiro. Nevertheless, critical studies on the abundant musical production of samba during the military regime continue to be outweighed by research on samba’s golden age.

From the 1960s well into the late 1980s, samba witnessed the rise of several prominent figures, particularly Zé Keti, Clementina de Jesus, Cartola, Antônio Candeia Filho, Dona Ivone Lara, Martinho da Vila, Paulinho da Viola, Nei Lopes, Roberto Ribeiro, and Bezerra da Silva. The relentless drive of globalization and crackdown on civil rights, with the enactment of the AI-5 2 in 1968 under the military dictatorship, set the stage for what we might consider the second golden age of samba. It was only a question of time, though, until sambistas 1 would strive for new articulations of community and decolonization. These individuals, along with the intervention of journalists, intellectuals, politicians, entrepreneurs, broadcasters, and fans, helped promote samba as the symbol par excellence of Brazilian national identity in the 1930s. The golden age of samba, a time period that spans roughly from the 1920s to the 1940s, primarily refers to the explosion of Rio de Janeiro–based musicians and performers like Donga, Pixinguinha, João da Baiana, Paulo da Portela, Noel Rosa, and Geraldo Pereira, among others.